By Park Yoon-bae
The death of former President Roh Tae-woo reminds us of how crucial apologies and forgiveness are to healing the wounds of the victims of the bloody crackdown on the May 1980 pro-democracy uprising in the southwestern city of Gwangju.
As the country's last general-turned-president, Roh died Oct. 26 at 88, leaving behind a mixed legacy. His bad legacy stemmed from the fact that he co-led the 1979 military coup which allowed his predecessor Chun Doo-hwan to seize power following the assassination of then authoritarian President Park Chung-hee.
Roh also drew criticism for his deep involvement in the brutal suppression of the Gwangju uprising which "officially" claimed the lives of more than 200 protesters and left 1,800 others wounded. Roh and Chun were the core members of the military junta which nipped the Seoul Spring in the bud and turned the clock back to the dark age of military dictatorship.
On the flip side, Roh left a good legacy as the first popularly-elected president of South Korea since 1971; and by leading a transition to democracy during his 1988-93 term. Before the election in 1987, he issued the "June 29 Declaration" accepting the people's demand for a direct presidential system in the face of massive pro-democracy rallies across the country.
The declaration led to the birth of a new Constitution which laid the foundations for democracy. Some critics have dismissed the declaration only as a ploy to prolong military rule. But, without it the country could not have taken the path toward a functioning democracy.
In addition, Roh has been lauded for expanding the country's diplomatic horizon by establishing ties with socialist countries such as the Soviet Union and China in the early 1990s. He was also recognized for improving inter-Korean relations by signing the South-North Basic Agreement with Pyongyang.
But his achievements cannot outweigh his misdeeds. In 1996, Roh together with Chun was convicted of treason and corruption. Roh was sentenced to 17 years in prison and a 260 billion won ($223 million) fine, while Chun was given a life term (following commutation of a death sentence) plus a 220 billion won fine. Both were released on a presidential pardon the following year.
Much to the disappointment of the public, Chun and Roh have never admitted to or apologized for their role in the Gwangju massacre. Chun has even tried to distort the facts about the pro-democracy movement.
However, Roh's son, Jae-heon, offered several apologies for the bloody crackdown on behalf of his bed-ridden father. He also visited the May 18th National Cemetery to pay his respects to the victims. Roh's bereaved family made public his last message begging for forgiveness for his "faults."
The message was construed ― somewhat awkwardly ― as an "apology" for his misdeeds. It might have positively affected the Moon Jae-in government's decision to hold a state funeral for the late Roh. Of course, the administration cited Roh's contributions to the nation's development, including his "Nordpolitik," despite his historic faults with the coup and the crackdown.
The decision appeared to be politically motivated for the sake of national harmony and unity ahead of the March 9 presidential election. It was also apparently aimed at garnering support from conservative voters for the ruling party's candidate. But, Roh was not buried in a national cemetery as he was disqualified because of the guilty verdict made against him.
Yet, the nation was sharply divided over the state funeral. Conservatives were, by and large, in favor of it, while progressives were against it. Bereaved families of the victims of the uprising strongly criticized the Moon government for so honoring one of the main culprits of the massacre.
Now the question is whether Roh made an apology in a true sense just before he died. In fact, his last message fell short of an apology. It reads: "I made my best efforts, but now sincerely ask for forgiveness for my shortcomings and faults." It does not specify what his faults were. It makes no mention of the coup and the bloody suppression of the pro-democracy movement.
No victims can easily forgive the perpetrators as long as the latter refuse to acknowledge and apologize for their misdeeds. If Roh had truly sought forgiveness, he should have used more clear and concrete expressions about what he did to the victims.
Nevertheless, Park Nam-seon, a surviving pro-democracy protester, visited the memorial altar to pay his respects to the late Roh. He said he has forgiven Roh, accepting his last message as an apology. He also recognized the apologies offered by Roh's son.
Park, a former key member of a citizens' militia standing up against the military junta during the uprising, was captured and sentenced to death. But he was freed on parole later. Now he deserves praise for his courageous act of forgiveness which raises hope for reconciliation with the perpetrators.
But the biggest obstacle to forgiveness and reconciliation is former President Chun's tenacious refusal to admit his role in the brutal crackdown on the uprising. If Chun dies without apologizing for his misdeeds, he will forever lose a chance to tell the truth and help heal the scars of the victims.
The author (byb@koreatimes.co.kr) is the chief editorial writer of The Korea Times.
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As the country's last general-turned-president, Roh died Oct. 26 at 88, leaving behind a mixed legacy. His bad legacy stemmed from the fact that he co-led the 1979 military coup which allowed his predecessor Chun Doo-hwan to seize power following the assassination of then authoritarian President Park Chung-hee.
Roh also drew criticism for his deep involvement in the brutal suppression of the Gwangju uprising which "officially" claimed the lives of more than 200 protesters and left 1,800 others wounded. Roh and Chun were the core members of the military junta which nipped the Seoul Spring in the bud and turned the clock back to the dark age of military dictatorship.
On the flip side, Roh left a good legacy as the first popularly-elected president of South Korea since 1971; and by leading a transition to democracy during his 1988-93 term. Before the election in 1987, he issued the "June 29 Declaration" accepting the people's demand for a direct presidential system in the face of massive pro-democracy rallies across the country.
The declaration led to the birth of a new Constitution which laid the foundations for democracy. Some critics have dismissed the declaration only as a ploy to prolong military rule. But, without it the country could not have taken the path toward a functioning democracy.
In addition, Roh has been lauded for expanding the country's diplomatic horizon by establishing ties with socialist countries such as the Soviet Union and China in the early 1990s. He was also recognized for improving inter-Korean relations by signing the South-North Basic Agreement with Pyongyang.
But his achievements cannot outweigh his misdeeds. In 1996, Roh together with Chun was convicted of treason and corruption. Roh was sentenced to 17 years in prison and a 260 billion won ($223 million) fine, while Chun was given a life term (following commutation of a death sentence) plus a 220 billion won fine. Both were released on a presidential pardon the following year.
Much to the disappointment of the public, Chun and Roh have never admitted to or apologized for their role in the Gwangju massacre. Chun has even tried to distort the facts about the pro-democracy movement.
However, Roh's son, Jae-heon, offered several apologies for the bloody crackdown on behalf of his bed-ridden father. He also visited the May 18th National Cemetery to pay his respects to the victims. Roh's bereaved family made public his last message begging for forgiveness for his "faults."
The message was construed ― somewhat awkwardly ― as an "apology" for his misdeeds. It might have positively affected the Moon Jae-in government's decision to hold a state funeral for the late Roh. Of course, the administration cited Roh's contributions to the nation's development, including his "Nordpolitik," despite his historic faults with the coup and the crackdown.
The decision appeared to be politically motivated for the sake of national harmony and unity ahead of the March 9 presidential election. It was also apparently aimed at garnering support from conservative voters for the ruling party's candidate. But, Roh was not buried in a national cemetery as he was disqualified because of the guilty verdict made against him.
Yet, the nation was sharply divided over the state funeral. Conservatives were, by and large, in favor of it, while progressives were against it. Bereaved families of the victims of the uprising strongly criticized the Moon government for so honoring one of the main culprits of the massacre.
Now the question is whether Roh made an apology in a true sense just before he died. In fact, his last message fell short of an apology. It reads: "I made my best efforts, but now sincerely ask for forgiveness for my shortcomings and faults." It does not specify what his faults were. It makes no mention of the coup and the bloody suppression of the pro-democracy movement.
No victims can easily forgive the perpetrators as long as the latter refuse to acknowledge and apologize for their misdeeds. If Roh had truly sought forgiveness, he should have used more clear and concrete expressions about what he did to the victims.
Nevertheless, Park Nam-seon, a surviving pro-democracy protester, visited the memorial altar to pay his respects to the late Roh. He said he has forgiven Roh, accepting his last message as an apology. He also recognized the apologies offered by Roh's son.
Park, a former key member of a citizens' militia standing up against the military junta during the uprising, was captured and sentenced to death. But he was freed on parole later. Now he deserves praise for his courageous act of forgiveness which raises hope for reconciliation with the perpetrators.
But the biggest obstacle to forgiveness and reconciliation is former President Chun's tenacious refusal to admit his role in the brutal crackdown on the uprising. If Chun dies without apologizing for his misdeeds, he will forever lose a chance to tell the truth and help heal the scars of the victims.
The author (byb@koreatimes.co.kr) is the chief editorial writer of The Korea Times.
