By Kim Sang-woo
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In a speech at the National Assembly early Thursday morning, Yoon said, "Now that the competition is over, we must all work together to become one for the people and the Republic of Korea." He promised to respect the Constitution and National Assembly, and "serve the people while cooperating with the opposition."
Identifying itself as the "candlelight government," the Moon Jae-in administration had promised to realize the values supported by the candlelight protesters ― equality, fairness and social justice ― but has largely failed to address them.
The Moon administration's failure to meet the expectations for social and political reforms have led many Koreans to believe that the governing DPK was no different from those they replaced.
So it stood to reason that Koreans would maintain their usual political stances for this election.
The first continuity can be found in the regional support of the two parties, the progressive DPK and the conservative PPP. Namely, the southwestern Honam region overwhelmingly supported Lee while the southeastern Yeongnam region solidly backed Yoon.
The second continuity is the effect of Korea's volatile party politics system. A 2021 survey by the Pew Research Center found that 84 percent of Koreans said major change or complete reform is needed in Korean democracy, with only 53 percent satisfied with how democracy works in the country.
In part this decline in satisfaction with the political system in Korea may reflect the generational decline in party loyalty especially with those in their 20s and 30s who declare themselves as politically neutral.
Perhaps the most striking discontinuity in this election was the choice of candidates. The 2022 presidential election was noteworthy in that it wasn't an election between the standard-bearers of the conservative and progressive parties. On both sides, the candidates ― neither of who possess experience in the National Assembly ― won their party nominations.
Yoon, who formerly served as prosecutor-general under the Moon administration, campaigned for a change of government, championing fairness and justice.
In contrast, Lee Jae-myung, presidential candidate of the DPK, was former Gyeonggi Province governor and promised to be a competent and pragmatic president, partly to distinguish himself from the inexperienced Yoon.
The presidential campaign, however, was mostly defined by personal attacks and mudslinging.
It has been labeled the "most distasteful" election ever, with people voting for the candidate they disliked the least.
Both major party candidates have been associated with scandals. Lee has been unable to shake a scandal surrounding a land development project in the city of Seongnam, where he served as mayor.
There have also been allegations that his wife ordered government employees to take on personal tasks.
Meanwhile, voters have questioned Yoon's past prosecutorial role, his seeming inability to manage his campaign, his wife's political indiscretions and her inclusion of lies on past job applications.
The Lee campaign relied on government-led solutions to manage the real estate market; promote public well-being through universal basic income, housing, and access to financing; and invest in a renewable energy-led economy.
In contrast, Yoon promotes market-led solutions through deregulation of the real estate market, the removal of government impediments on small and medium-sized businesses, and renewed support for nuclear energy.
However the manner in which the presidential race has unfolded has unmistakably populist characteristics, reflecting the conflict between the "elite" ― or the establishment ― and "ordinary people." This populism has two defining features: anti-elitism and anti-pluralism. In Korea, progressives (ruling party) regard the conservatives as the old elite, while conservatives (main opposition) view the progressives as the new elite.
Each accuses the other of representing the establishment, directing their political messaging at their own supporters. In such a polarized atmosphere, the qualifications of each candidate as a political leader becomes irrelevant. There has been little discussion or debate during the election over the future of Korea, from the economy to national security.
The emergence of "post-truth" in the information society also has a pervasive influence in Korea. This refers to appealing to subjective beliefs, instead of relying on objective facts. This further reinforces political and social "tribalism" in the public sphere and in civil society.
Politics then descends into a brutal struggle for power between competing "tribes," each held together by an unshakable commitment to commonly held beliefs and sentiments.
All these factors have appeared in the current Korean election, offering little space for rational discussion.
Korea's liberal democracy is on the line, as democratic backsliding has now become an undeniable reality. Korean society is deeply divided along the lines of ideology, class, generation, and gender, and even the courts and civil society are highly politicized.
The aftermath of this election are critical for the future of Korea's distressed democracy ― will it be rescued from further decay, or will the country retreat into a new form of populist authoritarianism?
It can only be hoped that the president-elect will choose democratic values over populist impulses, pursue social integration over eradicating deep rooted evils, and emphasize the truth rather than resorting to a post-truth narrative.
The president-elect will inherit a Herculean task of healing a society wrecked by divisions and if the new government relies on politics of exclusivity and immediate political gain, it will damage Korean democracy and bring about its rapid downfall.
I hope that the president-elect will realize, as the old saying goes: "You can't have your cake and eat it."
Kim Sang-woo (swkim54@hotmail.com) is a former lawmaker and is currently chairman of the East Asia Cultural Project. He is also a member of the board of directors at the Kim Dae-jung Peace Foundation.