By Kyung Moon Hwang
Starting last October South Koreans demonstrated the power of collective action in protecting the principles of democracy and the rule of law, and fittingly the culmination of this movement came in the 30th anniversary year of Korean democratization. Many commemorations recently have celebrated the remarkable events of June 1987 in which millions filled the streets to end authoritarian rule.
What is often overlooked, however, is that the process did not stop with, or was limited to, political liberalization, but included an equally extraordinary mass movement for economic democratization. Stimulated by the events of June, in early July of 1987 workers at Hyundai Engines in Ulsan established an independent union in order to demand, collectively, higher wages and better working conditions, as well as the right to organize. This spark led to an epochal firestorm of worker actions across the country that became known historically as the Great Labor Uprising of 1987.
The period between July and September of 1987 witnessed the eruption of over three thousand strikes and other protests, along with countless new independent unions leading hundreds of thousands of participating workers. In reflecting the reach of the political democratization of June, employees in a wide range of sectors, from bus and cab drivers to journalists and TV producers, established "democratic" unions, associations, and other organizations to claim their economic rights and push for fairer treatment. But it was the factory workers who drove this relentless activity, particularly those who worked for large companies such as the ones in Hyundai Group.
While the founders and managers of these conglomerates gained fame and credit for South Korea's economic "miracle," their workers served as the foundation of this development for decades under difficult working conditions, with few rights and almost no chances for independent collective action. The authoritarian governments had firmly clamped down on any such possibilities, instead promoting sham company unions that did the bidding of management and, ultimately, the state. Leaders in these two sectors pursued the common interest of maintaining the system of exploiting Korean workers for their low wages.
The workers did not necessarily cower, however. Throughout the dictatorship era, laborers ceaselessly attempted to organize themselves, from protests in individual sweatshops to unions representing entire factories or companies. But they were almost always beaten down, often quite literally, by mass firings, threats, and the mobilization of police and thugs. The workers' battles, in other words, were part of the broader struggle for democracy.
Little wonder, then, that the Great Labor Uprising of 1987 took place immediately on the heels of the June democratization, as after all it was freedom of association, in line with the declared new guarantees of speech, assembly, and due process, that allowed collective action to truly be effective. Labor leaders now felt emboldened to join together with fellow workers in the same conglomerate or region, or in the same industries nationwide, to create even bigger organizations and thereby further strengthen their group power.
By mid-July workers in other Hyundai factories began their own democratic unions and went on strike to gain concessions from management for wage increases, job security, humane working conditions, and recognition of their rights to organize. Although the Hyundai unions, the ones who sparked this phenomenon, grabbed the headlines by being concentrated in a specific region in the southeast, they inspired and assisted organizing and labor actions all across the country. Employees of the Daewoo shipyard and car plant, for example, organized their own democratic unions, as did employees throughout the economy. By September, over three million workers had participated in strikes, work stoppages, demonstrations, and other actions, which doubled the number over the previous ten years.
The enormous scale, ferocity, and apparent suddenness of these actions brought about a generally negative, disapproving tone in the country's media coverage. And political leaders, even those who had been at the forefront of demanding political freedoms, warned of the ominous consequences of these disruptions for the economy.
But without this wave of worker activism in the face of constant physical and other suppression, the laborers who had so long sacrificed for their employers would not have made the breakthrough toward gaining fair treatment and recognition of their economic rights. In other words, without the Great Labor Uprising, the democratization of 1987 would have been incomplete, perhaps even meaningless.
In the subsequent three decades, the South Korean labor movement has grown and developed in accordance with many factors, and this history can be viewed in differing ways. But undoubtedly, workers, particularly those in the major compounds of Korean industry, enjoy far greater benefits, rights, and influence than in 1987, and South Korean unions as a whole are more powerful than their counterparts in many other advanced economies. And despite the alarming increases in wealth polarization in South Korea, the gap between workers and executives in most enterprises remains relatively low, especially compared to places such as the United States.
According to the OECD, the United States, with a traditionally weak labor movement that has gotten only weaker as time has passed, is the most economically unequal society among developed countries. This explains considerably America's current political turmoil, indeed emergency. And this is why, in this anniversary year of South Korea's 1987 democratization, we should commemorate the momentous significance of that summer's Great Labor Uprising as well.
Kyung Moon Hwang is a professor at the Department of History, University of Southern California. He is the author of "A History of Korea-An Episodic Narrative" (Second edition, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). Contact khwang3@gmail.com.
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What is often overlooked, however, is that the process did not stop with, or was limited to, political liberalization, but included an equally extraordinary mass movement for economic democratization. Stimulated by the events of June, in early July of 1987 workers at Hyundai Engines in Ulsan established an independent union in order to demand, collectively, higher wages and better working conditions, as well as the right to organize. This spark led to an epochal firestorm of worker actions across the country that became known historically as the Great Labor Uprising of 1987.
The period between July and September of 1987 witnessed the eruption of over three thousand strikes and other protests, along with countless new independent unions leading hundreds of thousands of participating workers. In reflecting the reach of the political democratization of June, employees in a wide range of sectors, from bus and cab drivers to journalists and TV producers, established "democratic" unions, associations, and other organizations to claim their economic rights and push for fairer treatment. But it was the factory workers who drove this relentless activity, particularly those who worked for large companies such as the ones in Hyundai Group.
While the founders and managers of these conglomerates gained fame and credit for South Korea's economic "miracle," their workers served as the foundation of this development for decades under difficult working conditions, with few rights and almost no chances for independent collective action. The authoritarian governments had firmly clamped down on any such possibilities, instead promoting sham company unions that did the bidding of management and, ultimately, the state. Leaders in these two sectors pursued the common interest of maintaining the system of exploiting Korean workers for their low wages.
The workers did not necessarily cower, however. Throughout the dictatorship era, laborers ceaselessly attempted to organize themselves, from protests in individual sweatshops to unions representing entire factories or companies. But they were almost always beaten down, often quite literally, by mass firings, threats, and the mobilization of police and thugs. The workers' battles, in other words, were part of the broader struggle for democracy.
Little wonder, then, that the Great Labor Uprising of 1987 took place immediately on the heels of the June democratization, as after all it was freedom of association, in line with the declared new guarantees of speech, assembly, and due process, that allowed collective action to truly be effective. Labor leaders now felt emboldened to join together with fellow workers in the same conglomerate or region, or in the same industries nationwide, to create even bigger organizations and thereby further strengthen their group power.
By mid-July workers in other Hyundai factories began their own democratic unions and went on strike to gain concessions from management for wage increases, job security, humane working conditions, and recognition of their rights to organize. Although the Hyundai unions, the ones who sparked this phenomenon, grabbed the headlines by being concentrated in a specific region in the southeast, they inspired and assisted organizing and labor actions all across the country. Employees of the Daewoo shipyard and car plant, for example, organized their own democratic unions, as did employees throughout the economy. By September, over three million workers had participated in strikes, work stoppages, demonstrations, and other actions, which doubled the number over the previous ten years.
The enormous scale, ferocity, and apparent suddenness of these actions brought about a generally negative, disapproving tone in the country's media coverage. And political leaders, even those who had been at the forefront of demanding political freedoms, warned of the ominous consequences of these disruptions for the economy.
But without this wave of worker activism in the face of constant physical and other suppression, the laborers who had so long sacrificed for their employers would not have made the breakthrough toward gaining fair treatment and recognition of their economic rights. In other words, without the Great Labor Uprising, the democratization of 1987 would have been incomplete, perhaps even meaningless.
In the subsequent three decades, the South Korean labor movement has grown and developed in accordance with many factors, and this history can be viewed in differing ways. But undoubtedly, workers, particularly those in the major compounds of Korean industry, enjoy far greater benefits, rights, and influence than in 1987, and South Korean unions as a whole are more powerful than their counterparts in many other advanced economies. And despite the alarming increases in wealth polarization in South Korea, the gap between workers and executives in most enterprises remains relatively low, especially compared to places such as the United States.
According to the OECD, the United States, with a traditionally weak labor movement that has gotten only weaker as time has passed, is the most economically unequal society among developed countries. This explains considerably America's current political turmoil, indeed emergency. And this is why, in this anniversary year of South Korea's 1987 democratization, we should commemorate the momentous significance of that summer's Great Labor Uprising as well.
Kyung Moon Hwang is a professor at the Department of History, University of Southern California. He is the author of "A History of Korea-An Episodic Narrative" (Second edition, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). Contact khwang3@gmail.com.
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