To be fair, President Lee Myung-bak would not be the first chief executive to grant 11th-hour pardons for political and personal reasons. His three predecessors more or less did as such. Nor is he violating any laws or rules by exercising the president’s exclusive powers of unlimited pardon.
Yet there are at least two reasons why Lee should not push ahead with a final act of clemency in office during today’s Cabinet meeting, or, should he do so, he should at least drop his cronies and political allies from the list of beneficiaries.
President-elect Park Geun-hye has made clear her opposition to the amnesty not once but twice, saying, rightly, it would be ``tantamount to the abuse of presidential rights and run squarely counter to popular sentiments.” But avoiding political conflicts with his successor cannot be the main reason.
Nor should it necessarily be for fear of a possible political vendetta from the next government for forcing it to take office amid low approval ratings.
President Lee must exclude at least two of the most celebrated candidates for pardons ― his former mentor and broadcasting czar, Choi See-joong, and Lee’s friend and political donor, Chun Shin-il. First, the President said in a 2009 radio address, ``I would never tolerate influence-peddling and corruption committed by social leaders while I am in office.” The two can’t comply with that criteria more.
Presidents cannot keep all their promises of course. High moral ground and integrity were not exactly the two merits Koreans expect of the incumbent one, either. But President Lee, who will likely be leaving office with one of the lowest approval ratings in recent memory, needs to think what he could do to reclaim his reputation ― or not damage it further ― by no longer betraying the people with deeds diametrically opposed to his words.
Second, the President should not leave excuses for his successor to follow the footsteps of her predecessor five years later. While watching the ostensible clash between the outgoing and incoming governments, or between old and new powers, many people think ― or know ― all this is just a political game of compromising Park’s moral justification and Lee’s practical benefits. Unfortunately, the departing leader will likely end up putting the settlement of private debts ahead of keeping public promises, no matter what people, and future historians, say about him.
To avoid the same fate, President-elect Park must be different. She can, for example, declare that she would issue no special pardons toward the end of her tenure. To persuade the incredulous public, the next leader can push for changing the related laws in ways to sharply reduce the President’s discretionary powers in selecting whom to free while strengthening the functions of the relevant committee in the justice ministry. The proposed revision also needs to prohibit granting mercy to certain types of convicts, including corrupt politicians, tycoons and bureaucrats.
President Lee, while stressing the need for clemency for repentant politicians, cited that he could also resume political activities thanks to a special pardon from former President Kim Dae-jung. He must be turning in his grave.