By Frank Ching
Thirty years ago, China’s paramount leader Deng Xiaoping designated Shenzhen, a sleepy fishing village next to Hong Kong, as the country’s first special economic zone. Today, it is the fastest growing city in China with a population of 14 million people.
On Sept. 6, Shenzhen celebrated the 30th anniversary in grand style, with President Hu Jintao complimenting the city on its achievements in economic reform and calling on it to continue playing its role as a forerunner, including in political reform.
The anniversary is providing the occasion for renewed discussion of the need for political reform in the country, a very sensitive subject.
While China has made great strides in economic development in the last 30 years and is now the world’s second largest economy, this has not been matched by similar progress in political reforms, largely because the ruling Communist Party is fearful of instability and desires to ensure its own monopoly of power.
Premier Wen Jiabao, in a speech in the city late last month, made a strong pitch for political reforms, warning that China “may lose what it has already achieved through economic restructuring” in the absence of similar political restructuring.
While President Hu, in his Shenzhen speech, did not address the need for political reform in the country, he went to some length to discuss what kinds of political reforms ought to be initiated by Shenzhen, including ensuring that citizens have the right to be informed, to participate in governance, to be heard and to monitor the government.
The renewed talk of political reform has led to a burst of optimism about democratization in the country. The Century Weekly, for example, published an editorial headlined “Wait’s Over for Political Reform in China.”
“China's political system is increasingly at odds with its economy,” the editorial said. “It also not only contradicts the Communist Party's decision to undertake reform, but disregards the will of the people.”
But Century Weekly may well be too optimistic. While there seems to be general agreement on the need for political reform, little is being done on a practical level.
Three years ago, at the 17th party congress, the same themes were heard in the report that Hu, who is also the party’s general secretary, delivered.
Hu talked then about the need to develop “socialist democracy” and promised: “On the basis of ensuring the people’s position as masters of the country, we will expand socialist democracy [and] build a socialist country under the rule of law.”
Premier Wen is regarded as the member of the leadership who is closest to the people. During the Sichuan earthquake of May 2008, he called himself “Grandpa Wen” as he assured children trapped in the rubble that they would be rescued in time.
However, even the premier’s image has taken a battering as year after year has gone by with little concrete to show in terms of political reform.
In fact, one outspoken writer, Yu Jie, has published a book in Hong Kong titled “China’s Best Actor, Wen Jiabao,” in which he accuses the premier of hypocrisy, pretending to show sympathy for the people so they will continue to trust the government.
While Wen may not be acting, he clearly is only one voice within a leadership that pays lip service to political reform while placing a higher priority on political stability and, if need be, repressive measures to maintain the authority of the Communist Party.
Some senior officials, in fact, believe that the country’s economic progress shows that political reform is not needed even though the party officially supports political reform.
Both President Hu and Premier Wen will have to step down in 2013 and, if no major changes are instituted during their remaining time in office, the new leadership team that takes over is unlikely to institute major reform until it has been in power for some time.
This means that if the Hu-Wen leadership does not act soon, China is unlikely to see major political reforms for at least the next five years, despite everyone at senior levels agreeing on the desirability of such changes.
What is needed is action now, before pent-up frustrations result in an explosion that cannot be contained.
Shenzhen made remarkable economic progress during the last 30 years but China cannot wait for another 30 years to make political reforms.
If President Hu and Premier Wen mean what they say, then they have to grasp the nettle. What is needed is political will.
Frank Ching is a journalist and commentator in Hong Kong. He can be reached at Frank.ching@gmail.com.