By Choi Ha-young
The 2017 presidential election was largely a judgment of Park Geun-hye's four years as president, but her influence on conservative politicians is likely to remain.
Liberty Korea Party (LKP) presidential candidate Hong Joon-pyo made a strategic choice to work together with the pro-Park faction throughout his campaign. This made it impossible for Hong and Rep. Yoo Seong-min, the candidate of the Bareun Party which played a crucial role in impeaching Park, to unify behind one candidate for the election.
The pro-Park faction is likely to remain a stumbling block for the unity of conservatives.
Pundits say some of the Park loyalists may seek to retake the leadership of the LKP, while the party will be embroiled in yet another factional dispute following the election, they say.
The corruption scandal involving Park and her associates hit the remnants of the ruling party hard. Hong's exit polls ― 23.3 percent ― show that many conservative voters, mainly the elderly from Daegu and the Gyeongsang Provinces, voted for him.
"Hong will try to seize the party leadership after the election, but pro-Park politicians will not give way to him smoothly," political commentator Choi Young-il said. "The pro-Park faction's obsession with power would be the largest barrier to the conservatives' integration."
On Jan. 24, 33 lawmakers broke away from the LKP, then known as the Saenuri Party, and started the Bareun Party. However, 13 of them rejoined the LKP for the presidential race, abandoning Yoo.
The more popular conservative candidate, Hong embraced the 13 anti-Park defectors, forcing the pro-Park politicians to accept their return in an effort to solidify the party.
Hong's decision was an attempt to soften the conflict between pro- and anti-Park factions, in anticipation of the party's role as an opposition party.
At the same time, the Bareun Party, led by Yoo and reformist figures, may increase its political clout. Even though Yoo fell short of gaining more votes than Hong, his performance during the televised debates impressed voters.
"I expect the conservatives will remain divided at least for three years," Choi said, referring to the separation between the LKP and the Bareun Party since last winter. "Gradually, the Bareun Party will grow as a small but competent conservative force."
"Nobody is crying for Park," political analyst Hwang Tae-soon said. "She is behind bars and her trial will begin May 23. Even those who swore allegiance to her have never visited the detention center."
He expects the confrontation between pro- and anti-Park factions will become weaker after the election, since Park has been completely removed from power.
Can Hong unify conservatives?
The dwindling status of the pro-Park group was also seen by the meager popularity of Rep. Cho Won-jin, the presidential candidate of the Saenuri Party. Cho joined the presidential race with hopes of gaining votes from enthusiastic pro-Park protesters. However, he was only one of a pack of minor contenders.
"The pro-Park faction doesn't have a viable candidate to clinch the party leadership, while Hong doesn't have colleagues who can build power with him," said Kim Man-heum, head of the Korean Academy of Politics. "The conservatives are aware of the necessity of integration to seize power during the next five years."
This may influence far-right politicians to go along with Hong for a while as a substitute for Park. "Based on strong support from conservative voters, Hong will exert his leadership in the LKP," Hongik University Professor Chung Goon-gi said.
The likely opposition leaders should take active roles in the upcoming political landscape which will likely be led by the liberal president and the Democratic Party of Korea.
Hong could gather conservative votes through his tough-guy speech and conservative ideology, but he failed to make any meaningful pledges. The former South Gyeongsang governor called for lower corporate taxes and more freedom for family-run conglomerates, despite the nationwide consensus for more regulations on businesses as a measure to solve the economic woes of the nation.
To regain the people's hearts from all regions of the country and across generations, the party should reform itself. "Without reforming itself, it will be difficult for the LKP and Hong to gain wide support," Chung said.
The 2017 presidential election was largely a judgment of Park Geun-hye's four years as president, but her influence on conservative politicians is likely to remain.
Liberty Korea Party (LKP) presidential candidate Hong Joon-pyo made a strategic choice to work together with the pro-Park faction throughout his campaign. This made it impossible for Hong and Rep. Yoo Seong-min, the candidate of the Bareun Party which played a crucial role in impeaching Park, to unify behind one candidate for the election.
The pro-Park faction is likely to remain a stumbling block for the unity of conservatives.
Pundits say some of the Park loyalists may seek to retake the leadership of the LKP, while the party will be embroiled in yet another factional dispute following the election, they say.
The corruption scandal involving Park and her associates hit the remnants of the ruling party hard. Hong's exit polls ― 23.3 percent ― show that many conservative voters, mainly the elderly from Daegu and the Gyeongsang Provinces, voted for him.
"Hong will try to seize the party leadership after the election, but pro-Park politicians will not give way to him smoothly," political commentator Choi Young-il said. "The pro-Park faction's obsession with power would be the largest barrier to the conservatives' integration."
On Jan. 24, 33 lawmakers broke away from the LKP, then known as the Saenuri Party, and started the Bareun Party. However, 13 of them rejoined the LKP for the presidential race, abandoning Yoo.
The more popular conservative candidate, Hong embraced the 13 anti-Park defectors, forcing the pro-Park politicians to accept their return in an effort to solidify the party.
Hong's decision was an attempt to soften the conflict between pro- and anti-Park factions, in anticipation of the party's role as an opposition party.
At the same time, the Bareun Party, led by Yoo and reformist figures, may increase its political clout. Even though Yoo fell short of gaining more votes than Hong, his performance during the televised debates impressed voters.
"I expect the conservatives will remain divided at least for three years," Choi said, referring to the separation between the LKP and the Bareun Party since last winter. "Gradually, the Bareun Party will grow as a small but competent conservative force."
"Nobody is crying for Park," political analyst Hwang Tae-soon said. "She is behind bars and her trial will begin May 23. Even those who swore allegiance to her have never visited the detention center."
He expects the confrontation between pro- and anti-Park factions will become weaker after the election, since Park has been completely removed from power.
Can Hong unify conservatives?
The dwindling status of the pro-Park group was also seen by the meager popularity of Rep. Cho Won-jin, the presidential candidate of the Saenuri Party. Cho joined the presidential race with hopes of gaining votes from enthusiastic pro-Park protesters. However, he was only one of a pack of minor contenders.
"The pro-Park faction doesn't have a viable candidate to clinch the party leadership, while Hong doesn't have colleagues who can build power with him," said Kim Man-heum, head of the Korean Academy of Politics. "The conservatives are aware of the necessity of integration to seize power during the next five years."
This may influence far-right politicians to go along with Hong for a while as a substitute for Park. "Based on strong support from conservative voters, Hong will exert his leadership in the LKP," Hongik University Professor Chung Goon-gi said.
The likely opposition leaders should take active roles in the upcoming political landscape which will likely be led by the liberal president and the Democratic Party of Korea.
Hong could gather conservative votes through his tough-guy speech and conservative ideology, but he failed to make any meaningful pledges. The former South Gyeongsang governor called for lower corporate taxes and more freedom for family-run conglomerates, despite the nationwide consensus for more regulations on businesses as a measure to solve the economic woes of the nation.
To regain the people's hearts from all regions of the country and across generations, the party should reform itself. "Without reforming itself, it will be difficult for the LKP and Hong to gain wide support," Chung said.
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